Born June 19, 1945 in Rangoon (Burma). She studied at New Daly Ladies' College and St. Hugh's College (Oxford). BA in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (1969), PhD (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1985). Honorary doctorate from the University of Brussels and the Catholic University of Leuven.
In 1960, after her mother was appointed ambassador to India and Nepal, she left Burma with her. Engaged in scientific and research activities.
In 1988 she returned to Burma and began active political activity. Her arrival coincided with another military coup. In July 1989, she was placed under house arrest.
Aung San Suu Kyi is the leader of the National League for Democracy in Burma, a prisoner of conscience, and a supporter of nonviolent resistance. Laureate of the international prize named after. Sakharov (1990), Nobel Peace Prize (1991), Prize named after. Jawaharlal Nehru (1992) "for his contribution to peace and non-violent struggle under military dictatorship." The Nobel Committee's decision states: “... Suu Kyi is one of the most outstanding examples of civic courage in Asia in recent decades. She became an important symbol in the fight against oppression...”
Aung San Suu Kyi continues to be imprisoned for a long time. Despite this, in 1990, headed by her “ National League for Democracy" won a landslide victory in the general elections, and Aung San Suu Kyi won the right to take the post of prime minister of the country. However, the military junta prevented this by refusing to release her from house arrest. Only in 1995 was she released from arrest and she was asked to leave the country without the right to subsequently return to Burma. At that moment, she did not see her husband (died in 1999) and children living in the UK. Military leadership Burma prohibits her from communicating with her supporters and foreign guests.
In September 2000, she was again placed under house arrest. At the beginning of May 2002, under pressure from the UN, Aung San Suu Kyi was released and received assurances from the Burmese authorities about the possibility of free movement throughout the country. But already on May 30, the convoy in which she and her supporters were was fired upon by government troops, and Aung San Suu Kyi only miraculously managed to escape death. She was arrested again and taken to Insein Prison in Yangon. Only in September 2003, due to illness, Aung San Suu Kyi was transferred to house arrest.
The UN and other international human rights organizations have repeatedly taken measures to secure her release. In May 2004, a special UN working group issued a statement in which the actions of the Burmese authorities were qualified as inhumane and anti-democratic and demanded the immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi. She was hospitalized in June 2006 but remains under house arrest.
On May 16, 2007, the leaders of 59 states published an open letter to the Burmese authorities demanding the release of political prisoners, including Suu Kyi. Signatories include former US Presidents Jimmy Carter, George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and former Polish President Lech Walesa, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and former President South Korea Kim Dae-jung, former Philippine President Corazon Aquino and others. A similar statement was made by the leadership of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), members of both houses of the Indian parliament.
On January 25, 2008, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, in a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, called for the release of Suu Kyi, political and economic stability and full democratization in Southeast Asia.
In May 2008, Suu Kyi was awarded the US Congressional Gold Medal (winston Churchill, Pope John Paul II, Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and Mother Teresa were among those awarded this medal). At the same time, her arrest period was once again extended for another year.
Special Honorary President of the Socialist International.
Burma has been forgotten by the world community not only since the nonviolent uprising of 1988, but its experiment in Buddhist Marxism immediately after gaining independence from British colonialism is today unknown - especially to those Marxists who today talk about "communisms" or pluralist Marxisms. It is interesting to recall this experiment, because this story explains the current political nature of the movement and decisive role Buddhist monks. Philosophical foundations of the Buddhist-Marxist experiment: Wu Nu (1907-1995) The Burmese independence movement began in 1930-31. from the peasant uprising, which was still taking place as part of Gandhi's salt march campaign. Only in the thirties did Marxist works penetrate into the country. Not only was Burma taken over by the British imperialists, who exploited the teik forests, oil and minerals, and controlled the production and export of rice, but the poor Burmese masses were also subjugated by Indian and Chinese moneylenders, who appropriated the land of the Burmese peasants through debt and sale during the colonialism, almost two-thirds of the cultivated land. The Burmese struggle for independence was therefore also a struggle of the poor local population against the exploitation of the ruling classes of alien nations. This explains the rapid acceptance of Marxism in Burma. The left-wing social democratic internationalist scholar Julius Braunthal, who is also involved in minor side currents of the international socialist movement, writes: “In deeply religious Burma, Marxism could (...) become the ideology of a mass movement only through confusion with Buddhism. Buddhism is so deeply rooted in religious , cultural and national traditions of Burma, and reigns so significantly in the feelings and thoughts of the entire people that Marxism could only be understood in terms of Buddhism and its terminology"(Julius Braunthal: Geschichte der Internationale, Br. 3, 1971). Theravada Buddhism, the so-called "small vehicle", also called "Hinayana", was established in Burma. It developed in India after the death of Buddha (563-483 BC) in the synodsunder the patronage of King Ashoka (268-233 BC), who, after converting to Buddhism, professed vegetarianism and pacifism, and immediately abandoned military conquests and wars. Theravada Buddhism recognizes only three scriptures as the basis of Buddhism ("tripitaka" or triple basket), to which the rules also belong monastic order(cf.Bhikshu Sangharakshita: A Survey of Buddhism, Indian Institute of World Culture, 1957).Through Sri Lanka, Buddhism came to Burma in the fifth century AD. "In Burma, Buddhism in its Theravada version encountered fewer obstacles than Hinduism in assimilating Marxism. (...) In any case, it denies the hierarchical structure of the caste order. Unlike Hinduism, modernist Buddhists in Burma decades before the spread of socialist and Marxist ideas drew conclusions from the teachings of the Buddha that all people are born equal, and social differences are artificial and a matter of man.The Buddha gave the monastic orders he founded a democratic-republican constitution, which remained unchanged for two and a half thousand years and in the 20th century became source of inspiration for democratic ideologies. (...) Within the community of Buddhist monasteries,Samga , a “society of Marxist monks” was formed, which welcomed the emergence of socialism in Burma as the dawn of the era of fulfillment of the teachings of the Buddha” (J. Braunthal). Chief Buddhist-Marxist ideologue of the Burmese independence movement and later Socialist Party-led Alliance Party AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's League), there was U Ba Swe, but he was more centralist oriented and referred to Stalin. His comrade-in-arms, U Nu, on the contrary, came directly from Buddhist tradition, "stood with Aung San and U Ba Swe at the head of the revolution, and was, after the assassination of Aung San in July 1947, as the leader of the nation, the most revered, in fact, the most charismatic figure in the country. (...) But U Nu only admitted economic theories Marxism. He denied his state theory, because. it, as in communist Russia, could justify a totalitarian system of government and economic system state capitalism. (...) He understood socialism as an economic system that could make possible the fullest implementation of the teachings of the Buddha, in any case, as a path to the goal indicated by the Buddha: to overcome greed, hatred and passions, which, as Wu Nu said, have their beginning at the Institute of Private Property. This position brought socialism the support of the monks. When U Nu's socialist program was rejected as "un-Buddhist" by the so-called "Buddhist Democratic Party" in the February 1960 elections, the abbots of the most respected monasteries expressed sympathy for the program and praised U Nu's statesman, who came closest to the ideal of an impeccable statesman in the traditions of the great Buddhist king Ashoka" (Braunthal). That is, U Nu did not draw anarchist conclusions from his theoretical Buddhist criticism of the state. On the contrary, he was Prime Minister of Burma from 1948 to 1956 and 1957/58 and won another election in February 1960 before the army rebelled. However, the period from the declaration of independence in 1848 to the military coup in 1962 was a pluralistic democratic experiment with many freedoms, and the U Nu socialist party at times exhibited political practices atypical of European parties. Thus, the U Nu party demissioned, for example, in April 1949 and voluntarily renounced rule in order to reach an agreement with communist party. Which, however, failed due to militarism and the civil war that raged throughout the Buddhist-Marxist experiment, and which goes back to the tradition of General Aung San. Aging and returning after some time in exile, U Nu, by the way, enthusiastically supported the 1988 uprising. The independence movement and the tactical militarism of General Aung San (1915-1947) Aung San's bogyoke (honorary title for "military leader") star was to rise relatively late and burn out quickly: in 1938, the uprising in Rangoon heralded the final phase of the struggle for independence from the British colonial masters. U Ba Swe organized a strike of mining workers in the petroleum mines around Rangoon and brought the striking workers into the city. Masses of peasants joined in. Around this time, Aung San completed his studies andbecame the general secretary of the Takin party, a national organization founded in 1930, within which there were a democratic-socialist current (the “Revolutionary Party”, later the Socialist Party) and a communist current, which, however, before independence concluded something like truce agreements in their ideological conflicts. Aung San fled in 1940 from the threatening persecution of British colonialists through China to Japan, where he, contrary to the decision of the majority in the Takin Party, accepted the Japanese offer of support and ordered the training of the later legendary “30 comrades”, among them - U Well, I founded"Burma Indipendence Army" (BIA). "With thirty comrades, he returned to Burma along with the Japanese invasion army as the commanding general BIA in January 1942" (J. Braunthal). The time of Japanese occupation (Japan held Singapore, Malaysia and Burma from 1942 to 1945) made it possible to build an independent Burmese army. Thus, the policy of the independence movement, which previously relied on civil disobedience and mass strikes.This was destined to have a fatal effect on the Burmese post-colonial phase. Today's glory of Aung San as a brilliant military leader and national hero- both the ruling military and almost all oppositionists refer to him, although they prefer non-violent tactics today - is explained by the fact that after a phase of cooperation with the Japanese army, he allegedly cunningly changed sides at the right moment. But this “genius” can simply be explained by the fact that one day it became clear that Japan would have to withdraw from Burma in the war to the British army. In March 1944, Aung San created a united front with the Communist Party and fought with his BIA with the Japanese army against the backdrop of the approaching British army. Here a confused game of tactics began, which could only be explained through the fluctuations of international Stalinist politics: the British army wanted to continue its colonialism and integrated BIA included in the colonial army. Aung San, however, secretly organized parts of his BIA as "People's Volunteer Organization" (PVO), to prepare her for the subsequent rebellion against the British. But the Communist Party was opposed to this, pro-colonial and pro-British. She betrayed plans for an armed uprising to the British, because. Stalin was still in a military alliance with Britain. Under this pressure, Aung San and his founded as an anti-Japanese united front AFPFL leaned toward tactics of mass nonviolent resistance (strikes, street demonstrations) and thereby forced the British to negotiate independence. But now, in 1946/47, it began Cold War, and the tactics of nonviolence suddenly became too “revisionist” for the Communist Party. In disputes, Aung San kicked out the Communist Party from the union shortly before independence, in January 1947 AFPFL what was the post-colonial Civil War(J. Braunthal). But already in March 1948, the civil war began as a communist uprising. Burma could not get rid of the Japanese invasion and BIA Aung San's militarization. Units PVO went over to the communists, who also allied themselves with the Karas, an ethnic group in the border region of India, and their guerrilla warfare. AFPFL split into left and right wings, whose positions deepened in their attitude towards Korean War. The left wing sought unification with the Communist Party and supported North Korea, the right wing supported the South. Further splits followed until, in the face of new communist and guerilla wars, General Ne Win seized power in a coup in 1962 and abolished all parties. Ne Win proclaimed the “Burmese path to socialism”, first nationalized banks and 75% of all trading and manufacturing firms (today’s neoliberal economic course of the military began after the victory over the 1988 uprising). The ideological connection between Buddhism and Marxism was rejected, and the military regime openly proclaimed secularization: "Only once a day" modern history, at the beginning of the military rule under General Ne Win from 1962 to 1988, the influence of the monks could be discarded. The general declared religion a private matter, subjected the church to secular laws, controlled the monasteries and arrested the leading monks" (quoted in Spiegel 40/2007). Thus, the monks subsequently united more and more closely with the opposition movement organized by students against the military regime. As in Burma in 2007, the monks then refused to accept scraps from government officials and soldiers, which is considered the greatest dishonor in Buddhism. Nonviolent uprising of 1988 and Aung San Suu Kuy (b. 1945) Already during the student-led nonviolent uprising of 1988, when Ne Win was overthrown, and according to media reports approximately 3,000, according to unofficial reports of student groups, up to 10,000 people were killed in the ensuing military repression and the coup of September 18, 1988 of the year ( Democratic Voice of Burma ), the monks were on the side of the democratic movement. And now the time has come for Aung San's daughter, Aung San Suu Kui. Aung San Suu Kuy was ambassador to India and then a staff member of U Thant, the Burmese-born UN secretary general who served from 1961 to 1971. During U Thant's funeral in 1974, there was an uprising against the military regime in Burma, which was brutally suppressed by the dictatorship. Although she wrote a book about her father, Aung San Suu Kuy remained apolitical until she accidentally returned to Burma in 1988 due to her mother's illness and experienced a nonviolent uprising. Just like reading Gandhi's works ( Whitney Stewart: Aun g San Suu Kyi, Fearless voice of Burma, 1997etc.), and the historical phases of non-violent mass protest under Aung San, as well as the concrete experience of the effectiveness of the non-violent student uprising of 1988, made it mature in recognition of non-violent means of struggle and civil disobedience. Although she, after the bloody suppression of the 1988 uprising, during the thaw under the rule of the military, who, first of all, tried to gain time, won the elections in 1990 by a large margin, the military did not recognize her victory and sentenced her since then time for unlimited house arrest, and in view of the non-violent uprising of 2007, even imprisonment in one of the famous torture prisons. Graswurzelrevolution Nr. 323, November 2007 Translation from German: Kani Faplan
From an interview with a world cinema actress
Everyone should know who Aung San Suu Kyi is.
(Michelle Yeoh about Suu Kyi, who played her in the film “Lady”)
The great Sidelitsa of our time turn out to be not only historical, but also with a geographical bias. From South Asia (Pakistan) we will now move to Southeast Asia. And in this country, and not only in the USA and Europe, they understand that it is democracy that guarantees to the common man protection of his rights, his social guarantees and a decent standard of living. This fragile black-haired woman has become the hallmark of democratic reforms in the country of Myanmar (slightly larger in area and population than Ukraine).
Read about it under the cut:
First, a few pictures so that you can imagine the specifics of this country:
People ride elephants at a camp near Uppatasanti Pagoda in Naypyitaw. (Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters)
Buddhist monks
Members of parliament in Naypyitaw stood to greet Myanmar President Thein Sein, who arrived to give a speech. (Soe Than Win/AFP/Getty Images)
A girl awaits the arrival of Myanmar's democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Pyar Pon. (Soe Than Win/AFP/Getty Images)
And now about Aung San Suu Kyi herself
Aung San Suu Kyi was born on June 19, 1945 in Rangoon, the capital of Burma. Daughter of Burmese nationalist leader General Aung San and medical worker and later social activist Daw Hin Kyi. Suu Kyi's father negotiated with Britain to grant Burma independence, which was successful in 1947. On next year the country became independent, but Aung San himself was killed by political rivals.
General Aung San:
She is 2 years old in this photo (bottom center).
In 1960, Daw Hin Kyi became Burma's ambassador to India and Nepal, and her daughter moved with her to New Delhi. Received higher education at the University of Delhi and then at the University of Oxford.
In 1988, at the height of anti-government unrest in Burma, Suu Kyi returned to her homeland to care for her dying mother. At the same time, she began her political career as one of the leaders of the Burmese opposition. Mass protests were suppressed by the military, and in September 1988, a military junta led by General Than Shwe was established in the country. Suu Kyi then became one of the founders and secretary general of the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
The head of the junta, Than Shwe (reminds you of anyone? And why are they all so similar?)
:
The authorities, concerned about the growing popularity of the female politician, placed her under house arrest in 1989.
That same year, Burma was renamed Myanmar, and its capital Rangoon was renamed Yangon. 
Despite Suu Kyi's arrest, the NLD won parliamentary elections in 1990, winning 82 percent of the seats in parliament, but the military did not want to give power to the opposition. Suu Kyi's work has been recognized abroad. For her achievements in the struggle for democracy and human rights, she won the Thorolf Rafto and Andrei Sakharov Prizes in 1990, and the Nobel Peace Prize the following year.
In 1995, after negotiations with representatives of the junta, Suu Kyi was released from house arrest and continued political activity.
She did not take the opportunity to leave the country, fearing that the ruling regime would not allow her to return to her homeland. 
Suu Kyi's popularity grew at home and abroad, and in 2000 authorities returned her to house arrest. Just a few and a lot of the oppositionist was under arrest for 20 years.
Over the course of all these years, foreign diplomats periodically had the opportunity to meet with the disgraced oppositionist. But, as a rule, these meetings took place under the supervision of the junta. Western governments continually continued to advocate for her immediate release without any preconditions.
Particularly interesting is the series of photos with Clinton, when she traveled to Burma in the fall and met there with both the famous oppositionist and the ruling generals who kept her locked up. Moreover, what’s also funny about those photos is that Clinton went for some stylization of her appearance in them - just in the style of Aung San Suu Kyi.
There is also a love story.
In 1972, while in New York, she married Orientalist scholar Michael Aris and went with him to Bhutan, where she worked in the local Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1973, the couple returned to London and their son Alexander was born. Three years later, Kim's second son was born.
In my youth with my husband:
In 2010, with his son, the junta had already begun to let go of the reins and allowed him to come to his mother:
Suu Kyi and Michael were made for each other, they lived in a happy marriage for 16 years, gave birth to two children and were supposed to grow old together, experiencing the joy of the success of their sons and mutual love and respect. But interference external forces destroyed their union and turned last years Michael's life was a series of trials and constant nervous anticipation of news from Burma. Su's husband, British historian and cultural critic Michael Ayres, had to leave his wife and raise his sons alone. During the period from 1988 (Suu Kyi's arrival in Burma) to 1999 (Ayris's death), the couple managed to see each other only five times; she was not even able to come to her husband's funeral. For Suu Kyi, any life other than political life ceased to exist at all. In 1999 her husband died in London from cancer.
In May 2008, a referendum was held in Myanmar, which approved a new constitution for the country. However, the authorities did not allow Suu Kyi to take part in the discussion and also banned her from holding any government positions. Shortly after the referendum, the opposition leader's house arrest was extended by a year.
A year later, in May 2009, Suu Kyi was accused of violating the rules of arrest. The trial in this case began the same month: the politician faced five years in prison. On August 11, 2009, Suu Kyi was sentenced to three years of forced labor, but the head of the junta, Than Shwe, by special decision, replaced Suu Kyi's punishment with 18 months of house arrest. However, in November 2010, shortly after the Myanmar parliamentary elections, Suu Kyi was released.
65 year old Aoun San Su Zhi was released:
In April 2012, the NLD, taking part in parliamentary by-elections, won 43 of the 45 vacant parliamentary seats in the 664-seat legislature. On May 2, 2012, Suu Kyi took the oath of office and became a member of the lower house of Myanmar's parliament.
The leader of the Myanmar democratic movement in the summer of 2012 made his first trip to European countries. One of the notable events was a concert in her honor in Dublin, where the famous Irish rock musician and public figure performed Bono. It was no coincidence that he accompanied Aung San Suu Kyi on a trip from Oslo to Dublin: Bono devoted many years to the fight for her release. Bono’s song Walk On, dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi, went around the whole world. Thousands of city residents gave a standing ovation to the leader of Myanmar's democratic opposition. .
Leader of the Democratic Opposition in Myanmar
Leader of the democratic opposition in Myanmar (Burma), since May 2012 - member of the lower house of the Myanmar parliament. Since 1988, he has headed the country's leading opposition force, the National League for Democracy (NLD). In 1989 she was placed under house arrest. The NLD's victory in the 1990 parliamentary elections was not recognized by the authorities, and Suu Kyi was under house arrest until 1995, then from 2000 to 2002 and from 2003 to 2010. In 1990 she became a laureate of the Torolfo Rafto and Andrei Sakharov prizes, and in 1991 - a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.
Aung San Suu Kyi was born on June 19, 1945 in Rangoon, the capital of Burma. Daughter of Burmese nationalist leader General Aung San and medical worker and later social activist Daw Hin Kyi. Suu Kyi's father negotiated with Britain to grant Burma independence, which was successful in 1947. The following year the country became independent, but Aung San himself was assassinated by political rivals.
In 1960, Daw Hin Kyi became Burma's ambassador to India and Nepal, and her daughter moved with her to New Delhi. She received her higher education at the University of Delhi, and then at the University of Oxford, from which she graduated in 1967 with a bachelor's degree in political science, philosophy and economics. In 1969, she moved to New York, where she worked at the UN Secretariat.
In 1972, she married Orientalist scholar Michael Aris and traveled with him to Bhutan, where she worked in the local Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1973, the couple returned to London and their son Alexander was born. Three years later, Kim's second son was born. While raising her children, Suu Kyi took up literary and research activities. In the mid-1980s, she worked at research centers in Japan and India.
In 1988, at the height of anti-government unrest in Burma, Suu Kyi returned to her homeland to care for her dying mother. At the same time, she began her political career as one of the leaders of the Burmese opposition. Mass protests were suppressed by the military, and in September 1988, a military junta led by General Than Shwe was established in the country. Suu Kyi then became one of the founders and secretary general of the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
The authorities, concerned about the growing popularity of the female politician, placed her under house arrest in 1989. That same year, Burma was renamed Myanmar, and its capital Rangoon was renamed Yangon.
Despite Suu Kyi's arrest, the NLD won parliamentary elections in 1990, winning 82 percent of the seats in parliament, but the military did not want to give power to the opposition. Suu Kyi's work has been recognized abroad. For her achievements in the struggle for democracy and human rights, she won the Thorolf Rafto and Andrei Sakharov Prizes in 1990, and the Nobel Peace Prize the following year.
In 1995, after negotiations with representatives of the junta, Suu Kyi was released from house arrest and continued her political activities. She did not take the opportunity to leave the country, fearing that the ruling regime would not allow her to return to her homeland. In 1999, her husband died in London from cancer.
Suu Kyi's popularity grew at home and abroad, and in 2000 authorities returned her to house arrest. The next release took place two years later, but in 2003, the NLD leader’s motorcade was attacked by pro-government militants, and Suu Kyi herself again found herself under house arrest.
In August 2007 in Yangon (by this time the capital had been moved to locality Nay Pyi Taw) and other cities in Myanmar began protests against the sharp rise in fuel prices, which escalated into mass unrest in September. The demonstrations were led by Buddhist monks and NLD activists who enjoy great authority in the country. At first, the junta authorities used force against the opposition, but in October, under pressure from the UN and the international community, they entered into negotiations with Suu Kyi, and then abandoned them, citing the intransigence of the opposition leader.
In May 2008, a referendum was held in Myanmar, which approved a new constitution for the country. However, the authorities did not allow Suu Kyi to take part in the discussion and also banned her from holding any government positions. Shortly after the referendum, the opposition leader's house arrest was extended by a year.
A year later, in May 2009, Suu Kyi was accused of violating the rules of arrest. The trial in this case began the same month: the politician faced five years in prison. On August 11, 2009, Suu Kyi was sentenced to three years of forced labor, but the head of the junta, Than Shwe, by special decision, replaced Suu Kyi's punishment with 18 months of house arrest. However, in November 2010, shortly after the parliamentary elections in Myanmar, Suu Kyi was released.
In April 2012, the NLD, taking part in parliamentary by-elections, won 43 of the 45 vacant parliamentary seats in the 664-seat legislature. On May 2, 2012, Suu Kyi took the oath of office and became a member of the lower house of Myanmar's parliament.
It took more than two decades, but Aung San Suu Kyi, a Myanmar politician and opposition leader, was finally able to receive the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo. The former political prisoner thanked the Norwegian Nobel Committee for the honor bestowed upon her. When she performed on June 16, 2012 at the Oslo City Hall, where the annual Nobel Prize, in front of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, King Harald V of Norway, Queen Sonja and six hundred guests, her speech was greeted with two standing ovations. Suu Kyi, a 66-year-old political freedom activist, said that the Nobel Prize in 1991 not only helped her emerge from the depths of personal despair - Suu Kyi was under house arrest for about 15 years - but also brought international attention to injustice in distant Myanmar (Myanmar), to the struggle for democracy and human rights. She also made it clear to foreign governments that many hundreds of political prisoners still remain in Myanmar - and she needs to make sure that while the authorities release the most famous prisoners of conscience, the rest, those whose names have not made headlines, the world from television screens and pages printed publications, will not be forgotten.
Suu Kyi, who was released on November 12, 2010, led her party, the National League for Democracy, into Myanmar's parliament, marking the first tentative steps toward democratic reform in the country. However, she said progress largely depends on whether pressure from foreign politicians continues on the government, which is backed by the army. Thorbjørn Jagland, chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, presented Suu Kyi as an impressive example of tenacity, dedication and resilience. Addressing Suu Kyi from the podium, he said that even in isolation, she had become a moral leader for the world, and her voice had become louder and clearer the more the military regime had tried to isolate her.
Suu Kyi, in a traditional Burmese outfit of purple, lilac and beige flowers, could only smile at the end of her speech, greeting those who gave her a two-minute ovation. As in her previous appearances at public events this week in Switzerland (Switzerland) and Norway, she spoke clearly and clearly, but physical state Myanmar politician is bordering on exhaustion. However, her schedule in Europe does not imply any respite. After leaving the town hall, Suu Kyi went to the nearby Nobel Peace Center, where artists installed an interactive display called "Mother Democracy" highlighting the highlights of her life. Later, she was expected to meet with the public outside the town hall. The meeting was attended by thousands of local residents and visitors to the city, and many of the tourists from foreign cruise ships berthed in the port of Oslo. The Myanmar pro-democracy activist received the kind of welcome when she arrived in Norway that is usually reserved for A-list rock stars, according to the press.
This is her first trip to Europe in two decades, and Suu Kyi's health has given her some trouble, so the trip has not been easy, but she said she had been sitting in one place too long to cancel the trip.
In her speech, Suu Kyi stressed that it was unrealistic to expect that our planet could ever reach a state absolute peace, but still humanity must strive for this, like a traveler in the desert who does not look away from the guiding star that will lead him to salvation. And even if we do not achieve ideal peace on earth, common efforts to achieve peace will unite people and nations in a spirit of trust and friendship and will help make the human community safer and kinder. According to Suu Kyi, simple everyday acts of kindness are the most powerful force in advancing the cause of peace.
On Sunday she traveled to the Norwegian city of Bergen to meet with representatives of charities and the Norwegian Burmese refugee community; and on Monday she flew to Dublin, Ireland, with U2's Bono, for a concert in her honor. On Tuesday, Suu Kyi began her meetings in England, which include a visit to her alma mater, Oxford University. Oxford University), and speeches in parliament.
